I applaud Congressman McDermott and the Committee for
holding this important hearing on the Challenges Facing American Workers.This is an important topic at a critical
time.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[i]<!--[endif]-->
The labor supply of parents has increased dramatically over
the last generation.In 1970, almost
two-thirds of married couples had one spouse at home to handle family needs; by
2006, 61 percent of married couples with children under the age of 18 had both
parents working outside the home.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[ii]<!--[endif]-->In addition, parents are working longer
hours.Work hours for both mothers and fathers
increased by about one to three hours per week between the mid-1970s and the
early years of this decade. <!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[iii]<!--[endif]-->As a result, total time on the job for the
average family increased by about 12 hours per week during roughly the same
period.By 2002, dual-earner couples
with children spent about 91 hours a week in paid and unpaid work.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[iv]<!--[endif]-->
While the
additional work hours are not necessarily bad for all families, there is also
evidence that most parents are working more hours than they desire, often under
pressure from their employers.Roughly
two-thirds of men and women say that they would like to work fewer hours;
three-quarters of those reporting moderate-to-high levels of work-to-life
conflict say they would like to work fewer hours.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[v]<!--[endif]-->The gap between actual and desired hours of
work is not trivial; men and women indicating a wish to work less averaged 50
hours of actual work, as opposed to 31 hours of desired work. Moreover,
according to the Families and Work Institute, it appears that over half of those
working more than their desired number of hours are doing so due to employer
preference rather than for personal or financial reasons.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[vi]<!--[endif]-->
As further evidence that many workers are on the clock more than they wish, the
institute reports that 25 percent of workers do not take all the vacation time
to which they are entitled due to job demands.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[vii]<!--[endif]-->
Employment
demands also place increasing pressure on family time as technology allows work
issues to impinge on nonwork hours. Both a blessing and a curse, tools such as
cell phones and personal digital assistants (PDAs) allow some employees greater
freedom to respond to work demands without going to the office, but they also
make it harder for many parents to separate work and family time.Forty percent of workers say they use
technology for their jobs during nonwork hours. Furthermore, being wired to the
office is not always by choiceover a fifth of workers say they are required to
be available to their employers during nonwork hours.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[viii]<!--[endif]-->By some estimates, this adds up to a full
month of extra work annually in addition to that performed during standard
office hours.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[ix]<!--[endif]-->
The timing of work hours can also
add to work-family conflict.In roughly
a third of families one parent works the late shift, and in nearly half of
families one parent works on weekends.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[x]<!--[endif]-->Some parents may find shift work beneficial
due to higher pay, greater ease in sharing child-care responsibilities, or more
flexibility with respect to other commitments such as attending school.However, according to the U.S. Department of
Labor, roughly two-thirds of shift workers have not sought irregular hours for
these benefits, but rather are compelled to work such schedules because the job
requires it and they could not find other work.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xi]<!--[endif]-->
Several studies have sought to
assess the detrimental effects of growing work demands in terms of the reduced
time parents have for their children. However, we still lack a complete
understanding of whether children receive more or less time from their parents
now than in the past.Different studies
seem to draw inconsistent conclusions about the amount of time children and
their parents spend together.For
example, a landmark 1999 report by the Council of Economic Advisors (CEA) noted
with alarm that parental time available for children had fallen by 22 hours a
week since the 1960s. Yet, several recent studies report that both mothers and
resident fathers are spending more time in child-care activities now than in
the 1960s.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xii]<!--[endif]-->
It is only
upon considering more closely the outcomes examined across studies that one
sees how both conclusions may be true.
While the CEA report looked at potential time available for children,
which is almost certainly in shorter supply now than in the past, more recent
studies look at time parents actually spend with children, which appears to be
rising nonetheless, as parents do whatever it takes to meet their obligations
both at home and the office.
Adding to the mix of findings and
conclusions are those studies that examine the amount of time children report
receiving from their parents, which may differ from the amount of time parents
report spending with their children and the amount of time children report
receiving from their parents.These two
measures of time may differ for several reasons, most notably family
composition. That is, both mothers and resident fathers may have increased the
amount of time they spend with their children, but if fewer children have
resident fathers, total parental time per child may be falling nonetheless.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xiii]<!--[endif]-->
These two measures of time may also differ due to the number of children in the
household, and the extent to which the mothers time spent on children overlaps
with the fathers time spent on children.
In fact, one of the few studies that looked at total parental time
received per child found that average hours remained virtually unchanged from
1981 to 1997, roughly the same time period during which the number of hours
spent by parents with their children as reported by Bianchi and her colleagues
showed the biggest increase.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xiv]<!--[endif]-->
Further obscuring our understanding
of just how much time parents and children spend together is the fact that
studies typically examine time spent in child-focused activities; we know much
less about changes in the amount of time parents and children spend together in
general, or its relative importance.
Finally, we
must consider that societal notions of how much parental time with children is
adequate are not static. Increased concerns over child safety and higher
expectations regarding child socialization and development have placed greater
demands on parental time in terms of supervised play, transporting children to
and from and attending sporting and school events, participation in school fund
raisers, and other such activities. Thus, even if parent-child time together
has increased over time, this tells us relatively little about whether that
amount of time is adequate.In fact, 70
percent of working parents say that they do not spend enough time with their
children.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xv]<!--[endif]-->
Likely contributing to this feeling is the fact that working mothers spend
significantly less time with their children than their nonworking
counterpartsa total of 22 hours a week less, including five hours a week less
in primary child-care activities.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xvi]<!--[endif]-->
Although
assessing the adequacy of parental time with children is difficult, at the very
least, it appears that parents have avoided making drastic cuts in the time
they spend with their children, but at a price.
Parents end up sacrificing time for themselves, for each other, and for
household functions.On average,
employed mothers spend 14 hours less per week on themselves (including time for
sleep) and eight hours less per week with their spouse as compared with their
stay at home counterparts.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xvii]<!--[endif]-->One study found that both mothers and fathers
spent roughly 40 percent less time on personal activities during their waking
hours in 2002 than in 1977.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xviii]<!--[endif]-->
Another way
in which parents cope with increasing time demands is to cut back on household
chores. While time spent on household tasks has shifted somewhat from mothers
to fathers, total parental time spent on household chores has fallen by roughly
8 hours a week, or 20 percent.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xix]<!--[endif]-->Many families make up for this by hiring
cleaning services, sending out laundry, and buying prepared meals.The reliance on such services is not
necessarily negative, but is a concern to the extent that it leads to a less
healthy lifestyle.Moreover, many lower-income
families are cannot afford such services.
Parents
also increasingly divide their attention between multiple tasks at any given
moment.According to one study, by the
year 2000 the amount of time parents spent multitasking when they were with
their children was 74 percent for mothers and 77 percent for fathers, up from 53
percent and 64 percent, respectively, in 1975.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xx]<!--[endif]-->These distractions and competing interests do
not go unnoticed by children.According
to a landmark survey of children conducted by the Families and Work Institute,
only 62 percent of children say their mothers can readily focus on them when
they are together, and 52 percent say the same of their fathers.Roughly 45 percent say that the time they
have with their mother is rushed or distracted, and 37 percent say this of
their father. Unsurprisingly, the number one wish of these children was not for
more time with their parents, but for their parents to be less stressed and
tired during the time they were with them.<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xxi]<!--[endif]-->
Reports abound in the popular press
about the increasing pressure on working parents.On balance, research findings agree that
work-family conflict is a significant and growing problem, although results
vary widely as to its magnitude.Opinion
polls tend to indicate the highest levels of work-family conflict, suggesting
that it affects at least two-thirds of the population.More rigorous studies estimate that it is a
problem for at least a third of the population.
We hope that the committee takes this into account as it develops its
priorities to help American workers.
<!--[if !supportEndnotes]-->
<!--[endif]-->
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[iii]<!--[endif]--> Jerry
A. Jacobs and Kathleen
Gerson, "Overworked Individuals or Overworked Families? Explaining Trends in
Work, Leisure, and Family Time," Work and
Occupations 28, no. 1 (2001): 4063; Suzanne Bianchi and Sara B. Raley,
"Time Allocation in Families," in Work,
Family, Health, and Well-Being, ed. Suzanne Bianchi, Lynne M. Casper, and
Rosalind Berkowits King (London: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 2005), 2142; Suzanne M. Bianchi, "Maternal Employment and Time
with Children: Dramatic Change or Surprising Continuity?" Demography 37, no.4 (2000): 40114; Suzanne M. Bianchi, "'What
Gives' When Mothers Are Employed? Parental Time Allocation in Dual Earner and
Single Earner Two-Parent Families," working paper, Department of Sociology and
Maryland Population Research Center, University of Maryland, 2006; James T.
Bond, with Cindy Thompson, Ellen Galinsky, and David Prottas, Highlights of the National Study of the
Changing Workforce: Work-life Supports on the Job, Families and Work
Institute, NEW YORK 2002; Jared Bernstein, The
Rise in Family Work Hours Leads Many Americans to Struggle to Balance Work and
Family, Economic Policy Institute, July 2004,
http://www.epinet.org/content.cfm/.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[v]<!--[endif]--> Jeremy
Reynolds, "In the Face of Conflict: Work-Life Conflict and Desired Work Hour
Adjustments." Journal of Marriage and
Family 67, no. 5 (2005): 131331. Work-to-life conflict refers to instances
where hours of work interfere with life outside of work.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[vii]<!--[endif]-->
Ibid.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[x]<!--[endif]--> Claire Caruso,
Edward M. Hitchcock, Robert B. Dick, John M. Russo, and Jennifer M. Schmit.
"Overtime and Extended Work Shifts: Recent Findings on Illnesses, Injuries, and
Health Behaviors." National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, April 2004.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xii]<!--[endif]-->
See, for example, Liana C. Sayer, Suzanne M.
Bianchi, and John P. Robinson, "Are Parents Investing Less in Children? Trends
in Mothers' and Fathers' Time with Children," paper presented at the American
Sociological Association annual meeting, August 2000, Washington, D.C., rev.
2003; Bianchi, "Maternal Employment and Time with Children."; Bianchi and
Raley, "Time Allocation in Families"; Kim Campbell, "Deprived of Parent Time?
Not Most Kids," Christian Science Monitor,
April 5, 2000; Ann H. Gauthier, Timothy Smeeding, and Frank F. Furstenberg, "Do
We Invest Less Time In Children? Trends in Parental Time in Selected
Industrialized Countries since the 1960s," Department of Sociology, University of Calgary, 2004;
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xiii]<!--[endif]-->
Bianchi controls for composition effects to some extent by reporting time with
children for single mothers, married mothers, and mothers overall, but this
still does not account for the increased percentage of children having no
fathers in the home.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xiv]<!--[endif]-->
John F. Sandberg and Sandra L. Hofferth, "Changes in Children's Time with
Parents, U.S. 19811997,"
PSC Research Report no. 1475 (May 2001), Population
Studies Center
at the Institute for Social Research, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[xix]<!--[endif]--> Suzanne
M. Bianchi and Sara B. Raley. "Time Allocation in Families." In Work, Family, Health and Well-Being, ed.
Suzanne M. Bianchi, Lynne M. Casper, and Rosalind Berkowits King, 2142. London: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, 2005.