These reforms won't be able to make it a perfect market -- we're too far from the mark to dream of that.
Bill O'Reilly supports a public option in the health care debate,
given that it will provide cheaper insurance to those who can't afford
it and isn't intended to replace insurance providers as the status quo
for the majority; Tommy Thompson, W.'s secretary for Health and Human
Services and a former four-term governor of Wisconsin, has praised the
Senate's proposed reforms.
Dr. Bill Frist, the former Republican leader of the Senate and a
surgeon, has said that he would vote for health care reform if he were
still in office. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and Mayor Michael Bloomberg
have also joined the building chorus from the right that supports
reforms, even if from the more moderate corner.
It's been clear to everyone close to this debate for some time that
some measure of health care reform is bound to pass this year; the
question has always been how effective those steps would be.
To all those proclaiming that the American people know what they
want in this argument, and that they don't want the president's reforms
-- including you, Gov. Bobby Jindal -- please, let's be frank: It takes
full-time devotion to understand the complexity of this system and the
proposed reforms. The broader public knows that the system is broken,
and that it wants the problem fixed. And it doesn't know much more than
that.
A New York Times-CBS poll taken at the end of September shows that
59 percent nationally were willing to admit they were confused by the
debate.
But, if the federal government were to craft legislation based on
public opinion rather than informed opinion, it's interesting to note
that, as of that Sept. 25 poll, 65 percent of the public approved of a
public option.
Nate Silver -- the young statistician who rose to "boy wonder" status
on the accuracy of his models in the past presidential election -- has
also laid out convincing numbers to show support for the public option
in the majority -- 34 of 52 -- of conservative, blue-dog Democratically
held districts, where, in theory, opposition should be the most fervent
and disconcerting.
And that's where leaders come into play. They're hired to deliver,
as Bill Clinton is fond of saying. They're elected to power to make the
unpopular decisions knowing that if they deliver, they'll be rewarded.
Silver's results aren't surprising -- though, given the tone the
debate has sometimes taken, it's understandable to feel misled -- but
they match the underlying, ever-present current to a debate that has
seemed tempestuous and rudderless.
And that current is moved by a sturdy understanding - perhaps the
same that is bringing so many closeted Republicans forward with
support. It has to do with the fact that they understand, as well as
most steeped in this debate, that the cost of doing nothing is
astounding. The president's words about health costs bankrupting the
country are in no way hyperbole.
In 2006, according to the House Ways and Means Committee, the
economy lost $200 billion because of poor and shorter life spans of the
uninsured. The same report argues that spending, if unchecked, will
reach a fifth of the federal budget, $4.4 trillion, by 2013.
The health care system in the United States today is so plagued by
manipulations that comparing it to a free market would be a bit like
trying to contend that the Soviet system had competition. These reforms
won't be able to make it a perfect market -- we're too far from the mark
to dream of that. But they move us in the right direction, something
the Republican Party, with eight years of power and stacked
congressional majorities, didn't lift a finger to attempt.
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