Michael Steele can't transform the Republican party single-handedly. Fortunately, there are early indications that Republicans are learning from their mistakes.
In the summer of 2006, as Republican fortunes dimmed, one of
the party's star Senate candidates sat down with reporters for an
off-the-record lunch. Dana Milbank of The Washington Post recorded the
unusually frank conversation for posterity. Far from towing the party line, the
candidate blasted the Bush White House for its failures in Iraq and in the
aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. When asked if he'd want President Bush to
campaign with him, the mystery man said, "To be honest with you, probably
not." As for the Congressional GOP, the candidate was harsher still. The
party's most profound failure was, in his view, a failure to recognize where it
had gone wrong. The candidate, we later learned, was Michael Steele, the then
lieutenant governor of Maryland
who eventually lost to veteran Congressman Ben Cardin in an overwhelmingly
Democratic year.
Milbank highlighted Steele's most striking remark from that
lunch: The candidate called his Republican "R" a "scarlet
letter." Now, as the new chairman of the Republican National Committee,
Steele has taken responsibility for rebuilding the Republican brand, which now
stands in opposition to a popular president who is rolling up his shirtsleeves
to fight the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. Hailing from the
heavily black middle-class suburbs of Washington,
D.C., Steele is used to winning
over hostile audiences. Though he lost to Cardin by a significant margin,
Steele ran a shrewd campaign that was tailor-made to his state. On issues like
public transportation and education, he reached out to voters who'd normally
never give Republicans a hearing. On Iraq,
the central issue in the campaign, he opposed withdrawal while calling for a
serious rethink of U.S.
strategy in the region. He came across as a results-oriented pragmatist without
compromising his social conservatism, an approach that has also worked for
much-lauded Republican governors like Mitch Daniels of Indiana
and Bobby Jindal of Louisiana.
And as an African-American from a solidly Democratic state,
he presented a marked contrast to the other candidates for RNC chair. Two of
his most formidable opponents, Chip Saltsman and Katon Dawson, were southern
conservatives who came across as racially tone-deaf if not worse. Saltsman, who
helped lead Mike Huckabee's innovative campaign for the Republican presidential
nomination and who served as Bill Frist's right-hand man, will forever be
remembered for having included a song titled "Barack the Magic Negro"
on a CD for members of the RNC. Dawson hastily
resigned from an all-white South
Carolina country club before entering the race for
RNC chair. Whatever the intentions of either candidate, a victory for Saltsman
or Dawson would
have been a black eye for the party--an indication that the GOP's Big Tent was
now a Pup Tent.
Of course, Michael Steele can't transform the Republican
party single-handedly. Fortunately, there are early indications that
Republicans--even Congressional Republicans--are learning from their mistakes,
and far sooner than beleaguered conservatives had any right to expect. House
Minority Leader John Boehner, a man with all the charisma of a washed-up lounge
singer, has emerged overnight as a conservative folk hero for uniting his party
against President Obama's stimulus package.
As David Brooks has ably described, the stimulus package
represents an awkward marriage of long-term Democratic objectives, like pouring
more money into higher education and green energy and big-ticket infrastructure
projects, and short-term measures that governments at all levels will have an
extremely difficult time absorbing. Many of these long-term objectives are very
worthy ones that Republicans should embrace as well, particularly efforts to
upgrade our physical infrastructure. Yet the speed with which this measure has
been pursued means that spending discipline has gone out the window. State
governments that receive billions of dollars will have no way to evaluate the
efficacy of spending, and so we will find, two or three years hence, that vast
sums were wasted, and indeed that vast sums fell into the wrong hands.
Not only have Republicans opposed this ill-conceived
free-for-all--they've actually floated a number of more attractive
alternatives, including a steep payroll tax cut, a sharp increase in the child
tax credit, and offering state governments loans instead of grants. The first
would represent an immediate economic boon to all American workers and
businesses, the second would benefit hard-hit families, and the third would
force state governments to spend responsibly rather than shovel money out the
door. If Republicans keep moving in this direction, by backing similarly smart
policies on fighting climate change and rising health care costs, President
Obama and Congressional Democrats will have a real fight on their hands.
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