Governments are supposed to provide the basic needs of justice, welfare and security. But when they don't--as in Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP) and Swat Valley, or across the third world and much of the Muslim world--commanding loyalty and morality becomes anybody's game.
There is still no better theory of human motivation than Abraham
Maslow's "hierarchy of human needs." Maslow, an American psychologist
writing in the 1940s and '50s, argued that man's primary or basic needs are physiological:
food, water, sleep, shelter. Only with these needs satisfied could one move up
the pyramid toward security and employment, friendship and family, toward
self-actualization and morality. No matter what your religion, you are human
first and faithful second.
Muslims, like any other people, are searching for order more
than they are searching for Islamic order. Governments are supposed to provide
the basic needs of justice, welfare and security. But when they don't--as in Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP)
and Swat Valley, or across the third world and
much of the Muslim world--commanding loyalty and morality becomes anybody's
game. Islamist groups like the Taliban, Jamaat-e-Islami, Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas
or Hizbullah quickly move into the fray to provide stability, services and
justice. Are the young boys from NWFP who are paid 1,000 rupees a day to leave
their families and march with guns and sticks into Swat really radical Muslims,
or just kids who need jobs?
When the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
gained a surprising share of the Parliament in the first round of Egypt's 2005
elections, it quickly needed to formulate a platform. Here's what they came up
with: countering corruption, creating jobs, improving social services and
getting President Hosni Mubarak, whose reign is coming up on three decades, to
repeal his emergency laws. Where is Islam in that agenda? If you were a young
Egyptian with no prospects under Mubarak's yoke, wouldn't you vote for the
Brotherhood?
According to a new survey published by the Council on
Foreign Relations, most Muslims not only want democracy, but believe it
moderates Islamists' agendas. If the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt is
allowed to advance, you can bet they would rather hold on to power than to cede
it to the clerics. But to stay in power they would have to stay democratic, or
risk the Army pushing them aside. In other words, Egypt
could become like Turkey--a
huge step forward for the most populous Arab country. What we have to aim for
in the Muslim world is not an idealized Western democracy but the next best
thing that is attainable.
We must be careful to distinguish political groups that are
inspired by Islam and those that are bent on propagating it worldwide. Radical
Muslims are so few in number that they could simply be called terrorists, especially
since they don't represent Islam any more than the Red Army Faction's anarchism
represented socialism or the Shiv Sena's militant nativism in India
represents Hinduism.
There is a corollary to this: even though many Muslim
societies are troubled, that does not mean there is a common Islamic world.
Bush's mistaken creation has unfortunately been carried forward by President
Obama, who also addressed the "Muslim world" directly in his
Inaugural Address. On any given day, Morocco,
Saudi Arabia and Indonesia don't
coordinate their governance or foreign policies. We need to stop pretending--and
speaking--as if they do. The only common policy toward Muslim countries should
be diplomacy with all of them, including recognizing the Islamist parties
within them such as Hizbullah and Hamas. We cannot wish them out of existence,
and if and when they come to power--often democratically--they owe America nothing
unless we engage them now.
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