Conservatives should be delighted by what is basically a European call for American leadership; yet the response has been to treat it as a mark of shame for Obama.
Twenty-five years
ago, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick famously
lambasted Democrats as "blame America firsters" and a party plagued by
"self-criticism and self-denigration" of America. It was a speech at
pace with an emerging political stereotype that suggested Democrats
weren't quite patriotic enough and didn't love their country as much as
Republicans did. This image of Democratic weakness and self-doubt
became one of the most effective attack lines for Republicans -- and
Democrats' greatest political liability.
But today the tables are turning. Democrats have narrowed the
Republican advantage on national security. They are seen as more
effective when it comes to improving global respect for America and
working closely with the country's allies. And in a poll result that
would have raised eyebrows only a few years ago, President Barack Obama
is more trusted on foreign policy than he is on the economy and health
care. Today, more than seven in 10 Americans consider him a strong
leader.
A look across the aisle tells a more sobering tale for Republicans.
Conservative leaders have been lambasted for cheering America's defeat
for losing the 2016 Olympics and disparaging an American president's
receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. Others can decide whether charges of
unpatriotic and un-American behavior launched by the Democratic
National Committee against Republicans are appropriate, but the very
fact that the DNC felt it had the ammunition to launch such an attack
speaks volumes about the changing political dynamics of national
security.
The problems for Republicans are threefold: First, many on the right
seem overtaken by a visceral dislike of Obama that is faintly
reminiscent of Democratic attitudes toward President George W. Bush.
This partisanship is manifesting itself in dangerous ways. It's one
thing to oppose Obama's initiatives; it's quite another to be seen as
rooting against American interests.
Second, Republicans continue to engage in the same sort of knee-jerk
attacks on Democratic "weakness" and naked appeals to American
militarism that, while once resonant, have lost their political luster.
Third,
Bush-administration-era views -- and political appeals -- on national
security continue to dominate the GOP. Conservative columnist Ross
Douthat strikingly noted this week that Obama passed up a chance to
"establish himself" as an "American president" by failing to turn down
the Nobel Peace Prize. Considering that even in late 2003, at a period
of growing tension in the trans-Atlantic relationship, 84 percent of
the country believed that it was in America's national security
interests to be liked and respected around the world, it's hard to see
how this would make Obama "more American" or better liked.
Republicans seem to be buying in to the myth of American indifference
and even antipathy toward the rest of the world -- adopting the
neoconservative view, expressed succinctly by Liz Cheney last weekend,
that Americans want a president who espouses the notion of U.S.
dominance on the world stage. It's hard to square these views with Pew
Research Center polling from last year, which indicated that a majority
of Americans viewed the country's lack of respect in international eyes
as a "major problem," or regular survey results that show Americans
prefer a foreign policy that is focused on cooperation and
multilateralism.
The greatest irony of the conservative response to the Nobel
Committee's honor is that it is a clear indication that there is a
global thirsting for American leadership and engagement. Conservatives
should be delighted by what is basically a European call for American
leadership; yet the response has been to treat it as a mark of shame
for Obama.
During the 2008 campaign, one of Obama's greatest assets was the
perception that his very election would presage a change for America's
image and status in the world. Obama's winning the Nobel Peace Prize
seems to bear this out. But few could have imagined how quickly there
would be a similar reversal of political fortune on national security --
and that the party that once derided blame America firsters would be
criticized for not loving America enough.
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