Sen. David Vitter, a Louisiana Republican, has introduced legislation that, if passed, would instruct the U.S. Census Bureau not to take into account illegal immigrants and other noncitizens in the 2010 census.
Sen. David Vitter, a Louisiana Republican, has introduced legislation
that, if passed, would instruct the U.S. Census Bureau not to take into
account illegal immigrants and other noncitizens in the 2010 census.
I'm all for it. Furthermore, I propose that the government no longer
recognize deficits in budgets, record violent crimes in police reports,
acknowledge casualties of war or count -- let alone give proper names!
-- to hurricanes in weather reports.
Vitter's last-minute
proposal -- census questionnaires, which are scheduled to be sent out
in the spring, have already been printed -- is the latest in the
political right's increasingly absurdist "fight" against illegal
immigration. I put "fight" in quotes because these tactics actually do
nothing to solve the problem of illegal immigration. Indeed, other than
deprive the country's three most populous states of more congressional
seats, Vitter's amendment would simply continue the restrictionists'
strategy of pretending illegal immigration can be solved by depriving
people of basic rights or, in this case, refusing to even acknowledge
their existence.
In 21st century America, most fair-minded
people know that it's simply not cool to judge large groups of people
as inherently inferior or immoral based on race or cultural practices.
In this multiculti era, even fanatics will avoid being called racists.
And
that's the beauty of taking a strong position against "illegals." That
brand is good cover for fanaticism. I mean, my goodness, how can anyone
defend something or -- someone -- that is illegal! Try disagreeing with
a rabid restrictionist and, before he accidentally blurts out a nasty
racial epithet, he'll let you have it with a rather brilliant
rhetorical question: "What is it about illegal that you don't
understand?"
Let me say it again: I am against the idea of open
borders. I believe our nation needs to have strong borders with clear
rules and regulations as to who can enter and become members of our
club. I also understand that global utopianism notwithstanding,
sovereign states are the guarantors of our rights and that, by
definition, these states are obliged to decide who can and cannot claim
membership.
This goes double for nations that provide
entitlements. The state not only protects us but provides us with some
level of resources, i.e. public goods such as education, unemployment
benefits, Medicare, etc. It makes sense, then, that if we want the
state to provide us with these goods, we must accept that some form of
exclusion is necessary. I understand and believe that not everyone can
enjoy the benefits of U.S. citizenship. Like restrictionists, I
therefore believe that some forms of exclusion are acceptable.
That
said, the capaciousness of our Constitution grants basic protections to
all people within our borders, even those who do not enjoy the
privileges of citizenship. In other words, even if we deny noncitizens
political and civil rights, the principles of our Constitution require
that we grant them certain human rights -- some level of personal
safety and dignity. When it comes to the census, what that suggests is
that even though we may not count them as full members of our polity,
we are still obliged to count them as individuals who occupy physical
space within our national boundaries.
Discounting the existence
of illegal immigrants not only has ethical significance, it has a
number of practical consequences, not least of which is that a
well-regulated nation needs to know how many people reside within its
territory. Even rabid restrictionists would agree that, say, a police
department might benefit from knowing how many individuals live in a
given district. That means that some level of official recognition of
illegal immigrants is required for the proper operation of government.
Part of the difficulty in dealing with illegal immigration is that it
is a relatively new concept. Prior to the imposition of numerical
immigration quotas in the 1920s, there was really no such thing as a
class of people who were deemed "illegal." Sure, before the '20s,
certain laws excluded Chinese or classes of "undesirable aliens" such
as paupers or anarchists, but it was the imposition of comprehensive
numerical limits that gave us the modern "illegal immigrant."
Ninety
years later, we still have no idea what to do with the millions of
individuals who are in the U.S. without papers. The right wing can
conveniently demonize them and seek to banish them from official
records, but how does that help us deal with the millions already here
or keep even one more person from hopping the border?
Columbia
University historian Mae M. Ngai has called the illegal immigrant the
"impossible subject," a person who exists but doesn't, a person "who
cannot be, and a problem that cannot be solved," at least as we
currently structure ourselves. Illegal immigrants live with us, yet we
do not count them in. We hire them, we even take their tax money, and
yet we don't enter them in the ledger. The only thing Vitter's proposal
would do is have us close our eyes just a little bit tighter.
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