Putting Romney forward as the face of reform would be extraordinary, controversial, and risky. But, then again, so would anything resembling meaningful healthcare reform.
Picture the scene: a dignified Ted Kennedy stands beside President Barack Obama on a brisk, late winter day in the Rose Garden. Mr.
Obama laments the events that caused him to withdraw the nomination of
his anointed healthcare-reform czar, former Senate majority leader Tom
Daschle, as Health and Human Services Secretary. Reaching back to the
lofty rhetoric of his campaign, he implores his audience to look past
his own lapse in judgment and seize the opportunity to implement
sweeping national reform that puts health insurance within reach for
the millions already uninsured – and the millions more whose coverage
is jeopardized by the nation's economic crisis.
Then Senator
Kennedy ambles to the microphone. He thanks Obama for his attention to
what has been a more than 40-year personal crusade. He reemphasizes
that now is the time to rise above partisan politics and address this
central policy issue of our time.
"I've seen such an approach
work," Kennedy declares, "in my own home state, where in just two years
we've seen 500,000 people who were uninsured gain access to quality
healthcare as a result of an agreement among Republicans, Democrats,
hospitals, insurers, and the voters. They came together because they
understood this issue was too important to remain bogged down in
politics any longer. Now I am here to introduce my partner in that
process; a man whose life experience spans the heights of the public,
private and nonprofit sectors; a man whose commitment to the goal of
seeing every American receive quality, affordable healthcare is every
bit as strong as my own; the man who I believe can work with the
president, the Congress and the entire healthcare system to reach this
goal; my friend, my former governor, Mitt Romney."
With that
dramatic introduction, Mr. Romney strides gracefully to Kennedy's side,
embraces the senator, shakes the hand of the president and accepts the
most daunting assignment in an audaciously ambitious administration.
Putting
Romney forward as the face of reform would be extraordinary,
controversial, and risky. But, then again, so would anything resembling
meaningful healthcare reform. It would require sacrifice on both sides
of the political aisle – far beyond any of the halting, symbolic bows
at bipartisanship exchanged thus far in the Obama era. And it may be
the last, best opportunity to salvage the effort in the wake of
Daschle's fall.
In his favor, Romney brings unimpeachable
credentials as a healthcare reformer, including the ability to bring
together unconventional allies and utilize every bit of leverage
available to get a deal done. While reluctant to claim full credit for
all aspects of the Massachusetts initiative during his 2008
presidential campaign, Romney almost singlehandedly drove the process,
with Kennedy's approval and assistance where necessary.
He
leveraged the potential loss of $385 million in federal Medicaid
funding to force the extremely powerful Massachusetts hospital lobby to
the table and secure their support for a market-based reform that
relied on (mandatory) private health insurance as the primary source of
coverage for those receiving subsidies under the plan. As a result,
nearly half of the newly insured acquired private, unsubsidized
coverage, mostly through their employers. In the process, he convinced
a wary Bush administration to maintain their full financial commitment
to the state's Medicaid program by selling the Massachusetts plan as a
potential model for universal access without a single-payer mechanism.
Of
course, the former governor also brings several liabilities to the
table, many resulting from his 2008 campaign. Romney geared his message
to the GOP's more strident conservatives in his run, ceding any
pretense of bridge-building and bipartisanship to Sen. John McCain. Nor
did he go easy on then-candidate Obama's proposals.
Just before
the election, Romney said, "I think a lot of [Obama's] policies are
inspired by the pathway [that] Europe took. I think the idea of having
the government take over healthcare and raise taxes on employers is the
wrong direction for the country."
Still, as much as any president
in recent memory, Obama has shown an admirable willingness to let
campaign trail bygones be bygones – witness Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, who flatly questioned the foreign-policy policies she is now
being asked to implement. The harder sell will be to liberal Democrats,
who have already chafed at the lack of high-profile appointments for
authentic progressives. This is where Kennedy's imprimatur would be
invaluable.
At almost any other time, the thought of Obama
appealing to Romney for such a mission – and of Romney accepting the
task – would not even be worth entertaining. But in the face of crises
and opportunities on a scale not seen in generations, these strangest
of bedfellows may yet be the answer to real healthcare reform.
From 2003 to 2006, Micciche served in the Romney administration.
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