Cronkite played a role in mid-century America not unlike that played elsewhere by a constitutional monarch: Though technically powerless, he was a vessel of national identity and pride, and his voice stood above politics to speak to our deeper ideals.
As we mourn the loss of Walter Cronkite, perhaps the world's
most celebrated television journalist, we're also mourning the death of a
common culture. After a long and successful career as a print journalist, most
notably as a correspondent covering the final phase of the Second World War in
Europe and North Africa, he emerged as one of
the first of the television news stars, covering everything from national
political conventions to celebrity fluff. And as anchor of the CBS Evening
News, he set a pattern that would last for decades: the news anchor as
father-figure, sober and objective and reassuring.
Cronkite played a role in mid-century America not
unlike that played elsewhere by a constitutional monarch: Though technically
powerless, he was a vessel of national identity and pride, and his voice stood
above politics to speak to our deeper ideals. One gets the impression that
Cronkite was aware of his power, and of the fact that he had to use it
carefully. He hardly ever expressed political opinions, and when he did, as in
an electrifying 1968 special report in Vietnam in which he essentially
declared the war effort a failure, his utterances had an earth-shattering
effect. For those raised in the Age of Cronkite, it's hard not to feel an overwhelming
sense nostalgia: It was a time of intact families and economic abundance and,
most notably, the possibility of consensus.
Now, of course, we live in a polarized and atomized culture, in which
thousands of niche communities have their own constellations of celebrities.
Who would be the Cronkite of America in 2009? Does anyone command so vast an
audience as a share of the population? Ashton Kutcher has over 2,800,000
followers on Twitter, where he shares passing fancies. But one has to assume
that most of his followers wouldn't care all that much about his thoughts
regarding the struggle for Pakistan's
Northwest Frontier Province.
It's easy to lament this absence of a modern-day Cronkite. By all
indication, Cronkite was dazzlingly intelligent, thoughtful, and kind, and he
did his difficult job very well. But his extraordinary influence was the mark
of a brittle, narrow and startlingly ingenuous moment in America's public
life. The Age of Kutcher is, in many important respects, healthier, more
vibrant and more open to genuine critical intelligence than the Age of Cronkite
that preceded it.
Consider what might happen today had a Cronkite passed premature judgment on
the war efforts in Iraq or Afghanistan:
He'd be met with blistering and often obscene criticism, yes, but he'd also
contend with a fusillade of detailed, carefully reasoned counter-arguments from
an army of part-time pundits with the leisure and insight to spare. As
newspapers face wrenching change, we've also seen the rise of highly
specialized blogs that offer vivid exposes alongside clever framing devices.
Again, the landscape is more fragmented, but the results are, on balance, far
smarter than in the age of news-as-commodity. This isn't to dismiss very real
concerns about the fate of investigative reporting--who will fund it? Who will
hold crooked politicians and crooked financiers to account?
Let's not forget, however, that small, out-of-the-way,
working-class towns have suffered from a lack of serious investigative
resources for decades: The problem isn't new. Rather, it's now spreading to the
more privileged, who've long taken high-quality journalism for granted. The
solution here isn't more centralization and more consensus. If anything, it
might be less of both, and more of the self-starting spirit that has driven the
media industry during its most successful moments.
Television news hasn't fared as well. Having briefly worked as a television
news producer, I can attest to the dedication of the women and men who've
followed--or who've tried to follow--Cronkite in educating and entertaining the
mass public on the central issues of the day, in politics and in the pop
culture that still (tenuously) binds us. It's very common to lament the
trivialization of the news, as though the major networks aren't commercial
enterprises that have an obligation to reach a broad audience. The dry news
programs that prevailed in the 1960s and 1970s were the product of a regulatory
climate and technological limitations that all but guaranteed a bland product.
It was only when public access and cable began to lower the barriers to entry that
we saw real innovation in programming.
As Steven Berlin Johnson argued in his book Everything Bad is Good for
You, the subsequent decades saw a revolution in television where primitive
plot lines were discarded in favor of dense, elaborate, postmodern fictions
that stretched and challenged the imagination, in the process raising the
expectations of viewers--and, arguably, our ability to comprehend a bafflingly
complex world. Indeed, I'd argue that the television series Lost, with
its unending series of bizarre plot twists, has done more to increase America's
collective intelligence than a million nightly news broadcasts.
Our new entertainments, ranging from highbrow television dramas to lowbrow
videogames, demand a high level of commitment. To understand anything at all,
one has to pay careful attention. It's thus no surprise that we demand more
from our news. Spoon-feeding a commodified product is terribly attractive for
vast commercial enterprises; but Americans are rightly demanding more. The
cable news channels are far from flawless, and they've tended to focus more on
the details of Michael Jackson's untimely demise than the picayune details of health care reform. But we've also seen a tremendous
ideological sorting that has allowed provocative voices to flourish. I assume
that Bill O'Reilly and Rachel Maddow can't stand each other, yet they are very
similar animals: Both are highly aggressive, both ask incisive questions and
both are strikingly smart, populist displays aside.
In truth, the Age of Cronkite--of a big, all-enveloping media led by
grandfatherly wise men--was a fleeting moment, one that cut sharply against America's
fractious, disputatious, questioning nature. The new media environment, for all
its tawdriness, is more in tune with the American id. And given time, it will
do far more to uplift our sensibilities and indeed our raw brainpower than any
one man, even an extraordinary and charming man, ever could on his own.
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