[Mr. Obama] must do what every “change” candidate from Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy to Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton has done: frame the election as a clear choice between change and the status quo.
On Aug. 28, Barack Obama will deliver one of the most eagerly anticipated
speeches in American political history. As the country’s first African-American
presidential candidate and possibly the most renowned political orator of his
generation, the pressure on Mr. Obama to say something unique and memorable is
extraordinary.
But Mr. Obama’s task is far simpler than the drama of the moment might
suggest. He must do what every “change” candidate from Franklin D. Roosevelt
and John F. Kennedy to Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton has done: frame the
election as a clear choice between change and the status quo.
It is hardly a message that Mr. Obama will be challenged in defining — it
has been the essence of his political appeal and electoral success. Like few
candidates in American history, Barack Obama, in both his rhetoric and his
physical appearance, embodies the notion of political change.
At a time when approximately 80 percent of the electorate believes that the United States
is on the wrong track, Mr. Obama is well positioned to take advantage of the
country’s sour mood. And here’s how he can do it:
Use Your Political Foil: Just as Franklin D. Roosevelt had
Herbert Hoover and the Great Depression; John F. Kennedy had Richard Nixon and
the drift of the Dwight D. Eisenhower years; Ronald Reagan had the “malaise” of
Jimmy Carter; and Bill Clinton had George H. Bush and the backdrop of an
economic recession, Mr. Obama has John McCain and the Bush years.
Mr. Obama could ask for few better political contrasts. Mr. McCain has
served in Washington
for 26 years, has regularly voted with President Bush (the most consistently
unpopular president in American history) and because of his advanced age is the
antithesis to the notion of political change that Mr. Obama embodies. Already
Mr. Obama and his running mate, Senator Joseph Biden, are regularly linking Mr.
McCain to President Bush, and one can expect more of that in Denver this week. Indeed, making the
Bush-McCain connection is probably the Democrats’ most effective message and
one they seem comfortable delivering.
Don’t Get Caught in the Details: Mr. Obama’s political
ascendancy did not come from the fact that he had a better 10-point health care
plan than Hillary Clinton; it came from his ability to craft a more compelling
political narrative and lay out a vision of America that energized and inspired
a majority of the Democratic electorate. The latter has always been a greater
harbinger of political success than the former. Most Americans already believe
that Democrats are better than Republicans on domestic policy issues; they
aren’t necessarily looking for specifics, but instead a clear sense of what an
Obama presidency will entail, how he will seek to achieve his ambitious goals
and his overall approach to governing.
Avoid Partisanship: Some on the Democratic left have
complained that Mr. Obama is not being partisan enough, but divisive
partisanship has rarely been an effective political tool for Democrats. For a
party that relies on legislative accomplishment and in turn compromise,
national consensus should be their key political aspiration. Mr. Obama would be
wise to play off the themes of his 2004 keynote speech at the Democratic
convention, which sought to bridge the divides between red state and blue state
America
and sparked his political rise. Today, the desire for an end to political
divisiveness is palpable and Mr. Obama’s post-partisan language will stand in
sharp contrast to the increasingly negative campaign being waged by his
opponent.
The Fear Factor: Mr. Obama must convince skeptical
Americans that he can serve as commander in chief and be trusted with the
nation’s highest office. Change and relatively unknown candidates -- not to
mention ones with Hussein for a middle name -- can seem scary. Therefore, it’s
critical for Mr. Obama to orient his message of change in universal and shared
American values. Just as Kennedy spoke in the metaphoric imagery of the
American frontier and Reagan evoked Franklin Roosevelt and the “greatness” of America’s past,
Barack Obama must continue to cast his personal narrative as a quintessentially
American story of opportunity and the realization of the American Dream.
Years from now, you’ll look back and you’ll say that
this was the moment, this was the place where America remembered what it means to
hope …. Hope is the bedrock of this nation. The belief that our destiny will
not be written for us, but by us, by all those men and women who are not
content to settle for the world as it is, who have the courage to remake the world
as it should be …. We are not a collection of red states and blue states. We
are the United States of
America. And in this moment, in this
election, we are ready to believe again.
Ultimately, hope of a better future and in particular a better America is one
of the most powerful political emotions on the campaign trail. Bill Clinton
understood this when he declared “I still believe in a place called Hope”;
Reagan understood this when he called for a renewal of “the American spirit and
sense of purpose.” For Mr. Obama, “we are ready to believe again” seems a
fitting slogan for a campaign focused so heartily on the notion of real
political change.
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