Something else has happened in 2008 to give Democrats a unique political opportunity: Republicans have moved further and further to the right.
Throughout much of the 20th century Republican and Democratic
presidential candidates have repeatedly debated a singular question on
the campaign trail: What is the proper role and responsibility of the
federal government? In 1980, there was a clamor for smaller, less
intrusive government. In the 1930s, Americans expected a bolder,
activist profile from their national leaders. And in 2008, this battle
has been rejoined with Republicans sounding their quadrennial call for
smaller government and Democrats declaring the need for it to play a
greater role.
Yet, as Republicans offer an increasingly extreme conservative view
of government’s responsibilities, Barack Obama has been given a unique
opportunity to chart a new governing philosophy. In his “closing
speech” Monday in Canton, Ohio, Mr. Obama did just that offering voters
not a vision of “bigger government” or “smaller government,” but
instead “better government.” His ability to glide between these two
visions of governmental responsibility -- while still remaining true to
his conception of activist government -- goes a long way toward
explaining his political success over the last 18 months.
For much of the 2008 election cycle, Republicans have described Mr.
Obama as the most liberal member of the United States Senate and even
worse, as a chronic tax-and-spender. In years past, such attack lines
resonated; indeed, for more than 40 years they have been a familiar and
effective refrain for national Republicans. The problem this cycle is
that Mr. Obama has been difficult to pigeonhole: more a pragmatist than
a populist and less a firebrand than a measured politician who doesn’t
tilt to political extremes.
On their own, these numbers suggest that the political pendulum has
begun to move in the direction of Democrats. But something else has
happened in 2008 to give Democrats a unique political opportunity:
Republicans have moved further and further to the right. On the
campaign trail, John McCain and Sarah Palin regularly deride any
policies that smack of government activism and their description of the
roles and responsibilities of the federal government, from a rhetorical
standpoint, has become increasingly narrow.
In a speech last weekend in Des Moines, Iowa, Ms. Palin attacked Mr.
Obama for his assertion that government should do more to share the
wealth. “Under a big government,” she said, “what you thought was yours
would really start belonging to somebody else.” According to Ms. Palin,
“Barack Obama has an ideological commitment to higher taxes” and a vote
for him would lead to government acting like the “other half of our
family, making decisions for us.”
But these alarmist statements, which seem directed more to
conservatives than swing voters are having an unintentional effect:
they are opening the door for Mr. Obama to stake out a more nuanced
vision of activist government, one that straddles the middle ground
between the political extremes that Ms. Palin is offering.
I don’t believe that government can or should try to
solve all our problems …. But I do believe that government should do
that which we cannot do for ourselves: protect us from harm and provide
a decent education for our children, invest in new roads and new
science and technology. It should reward drive and innovation and
growth in the free market, but it should also make sure businesses live
up to their responsibility to create American jobs and look out for
American workers and play by the rules of the road. It should ensure a
shot at success not only for those with money and power and influence,
but for every single American who’s willing to work …. John McCain
calls this socialism. I call it opportunity, and there is nothing more
American than that.
These words are reminiscent of another Democratic politician who
trod the same tightrope between liberal and conservative visions of
government: Bill Clinton who in 1996 declared
not only that the era of big government was over, but that a “new,
smaller government” would “enable all our people to make the most of
their own lives with stronger families, more educational opportunity,
economic security, safer streets, a cleaner environment in a safer
world.”
Like President Clinton in the wake of the Republican shutdown of the
federal government in 1995, Mr. Obama has capitalized on the
uncompromising arguments of right and left by presenting himself as a
conciliator, unifier and most of all a pragmatist who will split the
difference of two contrasting visions of government. In his speech at
Canton, Mr. Obama offered a repeated “choice” between “allowing our
financial system to collapse and spending billions of taxpayer dollars
to bail out Wall Street banks;” between tax cuts and no tax cuts;
between “a government-run health care system and the unaffordable one
we have now;” and between “more money and more reform” on education.
For all of the American people’s antipathy toward “big government”
they have never fully embraced the sort of vision that Mr. McCain and
Ms. Palin are laying out on the campaign trail; nor have they truly
adopted the vision of big government that some liberals hold dear. More
often than not the political pendulum has moved from center left to
center right, but has rarely strayed too far in one direction or
another. This year, it is clearly veering more to the left, but not so
far that Americans are ready to return the liberal days of yore: a fact
that Mr. Obama seems to understand. His ability to present a vision of
activist government that pleases liberals, reassures some skeptical
conservatives and directly appeals to independents has been an
important, if unexplored, element of his political success and the
harbinger of a larger societal change in how Americans view the role of
government.
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