America's
financial landscape is changing before our eyes. The absorption of major Wall
Street investment banks by commercial banks threatens to create colossal
universal banks that are too big to fail and might need to be bailed out in the
future. Meanwhile, the structure of public and private finance in the United
States chronically fails to address four problems: the almost 10 percent of
Americans without a bank account; the concerns of all Americans about the
security of their savings; the growing indebtedness of the country to foreign
governments and financial institutions; and underinvestment in public assets
like sewer systems and bridges.
These four problems may seem unrelated. But they can be addressed
in the United States,
as they have been in similar countries, by a single institution that is at once
new and old: the postal savings bank.
Britain
created the first postal savings bank in 1861, and by the early 20th century
many other nations had postal savings bank systems. The details vary among
countries, but the idea is simple: use the one government institution that can
be found in most neighborhoods and rural areas -- the post office -- to
encourage small savings and a habit of thrift.
Well, we don't do things that way in America, you
might object. On the contrary -- we did! In 1910, Congress created a postal
savings system. The Post Office offered small savings accounts to individual
Americans. The system boomed during the Depression and World War II, with a
balance of more than $3 billion in 1947 -- almost $30 billion in today's
dollars.
But F.D.I.C. insurance of private bank accounts removed the
advantage of security from the postal savings system, and its fixed 2 percent
interest rate was uncompetitive. By 1966, deposits had fallen to $344 million
(still more than $2 billion when adjusted for inflation) and Congress voted to
abolish the system.
A new postal savings system should be part of America's post-meltdown
financial architecture. When Congress created the postal savings system nearly
a century ago, one of its goals was to encourage savings among the large number
of low-income immigrants. A new system would help today's immigrants as well as
the native poor. Banks are not interested in people with so little money, many
of whom are preyed upon by payday lenders and credit card companies.
A postal bank could also supply middle-class and affluent
Americans with an extra layer of financial security. The accounts would be
limited to a small amount per person. They would provide a
government-guaranteed, low-risk, low-return investment, even for those who put
most of their financial assets in conventional bank accounts and the stock
market.
Non-Western countries like Japan
and India
have used postal savings systems to reduce their economic dependence on foreign
investors. What better way to reduce the dependence of the United States
on Asian banks and petrostate sovereign wealth funds than a system that pools
the modest savings of ordinary Americans to pay down the national debt?
A revived postal savings bank, in addition to holding much
of the national debt, could provide a purely domestic source of savings that
could be tapped by a national infrastructure bank. There is growing support for
such a government-chartered institution, which could borrow money to modernize
roads, power grids and sewage systems; according to one estimate, we need $1.6
trillion over five years. That money is unlikely to come from Congress.
Japan's
postal savings bank, privatized during the heyday of market fundamentalism a
few years ago, was criticized because it encouraged too much saving and too
much investment in infrastructure. If only the United States had such problems!
When the financial crisis has passed, Americans will need to
rebuild our financial system. A new postal savings system should be part of the
plan.