It's the game itself that's broken, not the players. The GOP effort in
California is the presidential equivalent of trying to rig legislative
district lines through gerrymandering.
It's ba-aaaaack! Like the hockey masked assailant in the Friday the 13th
movies that refuses to die, the GOP ballot measure designed to ensure that
their presidential candidate wins nearly half of California's electoral
votes has been revived. And it's got Democratic leaders nervous.
GOP operatives have found a new sugar daddy to bankroll their proposition
that would award one electoral vote for each congressional district won by a
presidential candidate, instead of giving 100 percent of electoral votes to
the candidate that wins the statewide popular vote.
In 2004 John Kerry won all 55 of California's electoral votes, but under
this proposal he would have won only 33, and George W. Bush the other 22.
Democratic leaders believe the loss of those 22 electoral votes in 2008 will
throw the presidential election to the GOP nominee.
But there are several ironies inherent in this latest bout of partisan
sparring. First, it must be noted that Democratic allies tried a similar
stunt in Colorado in 2004. There, a ballot measure was defeated that would
have resulted in Colorado dividing its electoral votes, five for George W.
Bush and four for John Kerry, instead of awarding all nine to Bush as the
statewide winner. In a close race, that could have changed the outcome of
the election.
California is a bigger prize than Colorado, no doubt a sign of the
escalation to come. Already, a Democratic-controlled legislature in North
Carolina, which has gone Republican every presidential election since 1976,
passed a similar measure through its state senate, seeking to help
Democratic presidential candidates.
The second irony is that, besides both sides trying to manipulate the rules,
both also have been willing to toss voters overboard in their relentless
drive to win. There is an implicit assumption in Democratic arguments
against the GOP's ballot measure that the Golden State and its electoral
votes belong to the Democrats, just as the Republicans think they own the
electoral votes in Texas and North Carolina. Any attempt to upend this sense
of entitlement is regarded as a crossing of the hazy lines that define the
rules of political warfare.
But the ramifications are severe. It means we do not hold a national
election for president, but instead a hodgepodge contest composed of 50
individual states plus the District of Columbia, with most states considered
safe one-party fiefdoms. Both the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections came
down to only two battleground states -- Florida and Ohio. All the voters who
lived in the other locked-up states mostly watched as spectators from the
42nd row.
And it appears the 2008 presidential election also will boil down to Florida
and Ohio -- unless something like the GOP ballot measure in California
changes the cozy calculations.
The unasked question is: What took the GOP so long to try this gambit? The
big story here is not simply one of a partisan power grab but that, given
the internal illogic of our antiquated 18th century Electoral College
system, it makes complete sense for them to do this. Just as it makes sense
for the Democrats to carve up Texas or North Carolina.
It's the game itself that's broken, not the players. The GOP effort in
California is the presidential equivalent of trying to rig legislative
district lines through gerrymandering. It makes good partisan sense, even as
it undermines democracy.
A better way to elect our president is a national direct election where a
winner must have majority support. That's the only method that avoids these
kinds of partisan manipulations, or that allows all voters, no matter where
they live, to feel like their vote for president counts. No states are
gerrymandered or locked up, and everyone contributes to a decisive national
outcome.
We don't need a constitutional amendment abolishing the Electoral College to
enact this. The U.S. Constitution allows states to pass a law agreeing to
give 100 percent of its electoral votes to the winner of the national
popular vote. If about 25 states with an aggregate majority of electoral
votes did this, it would turn the presidential contest into a de facto
national popular vote.
Maryland and Illinois already have passed this law, and led by its
proponents at NationalPopularVote.com, bills have been introduced in over 40
states. California passed this law as well, but Governor Schwarzenegger, a
Republican, vetoed it in what appeared to be a partisan act.
Certainly a national presidential election poses some logistical issues,
though Russia and France seem to manage theirs. But enacting a national
popular vote is the best way to ensure not only that voters count but that
the vices of partisan manipulation don't spread from redistricting to the
Electoral College, drenching our presidential elections in more controversy.
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