The ultimate test of success in Iraq will be the creation of a stable constitutional democracy: government of, by, and for the Iraqi people. If the Iraqis emerge from the coalition occupation with the building blocks of just and effective self-government, the war and occupation will be forgiven. The presence -- or absence -- of weapons of mass destruction will become a historical footnote. Muslims who today remain deeply skeptical of U.S. motives will grudgingly have to acknowledge that the American commitment to freedom can be actual, not just rhetorical.

But if Iraq is not left a position to govern itself under the rule of law, Iraqis and others in the region will be tempted to forget the evils of Saddam's regime while focusing on the bad consequences of American adventurism. So the inaugural meeting last Sunday of what is being called the "Governing Council" of Iraq deserves special attention as the first formal step in the all-important process of transition from coalition rule to eventual Iraqi self-government.

The 25-member council will initially have limited responsibilities. It will name interim ministers and acting ambassadors, and it can be expected to make policy and budgetary proposals to the coalition. But much more importantly, the body will function as the de facto representative of the Iraqi people. Its members will plan the process of drafting a new Iraqi constitution and influence a range of crucial decisions that will shape the future of government in Iraq.

It is therefore notable that Islamic parties have a substantial presence in the Governing Council, now the coalition's hand-picked partner for making Iraqi democracy. No fewer than eight of the 25 council members are either clerics, affiliates of Islamic parties, or both. The Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, a major Shiite group whose leader spent the past decade in Iran, is represented on the Governing Council by the leader's brother, himself a cleric. Three council members are affiliated with various branches of the Dawa (or Islamic Call) Party, a Shiite organization long banned in Iraq. The council includes representatives of the Iraqi Islamic Party and the Kurdish Islamic Union, both of which have ties to the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood. Another council seat is occupied by a prominent Shiite intellectual, Dr. Mowaffak Al Rubaie, who has close ties to the moderate Shiite clergy.

All the clerics and representatives of Islamic parties who will serve on the Governing Council have one thing in common: By participating in the council, they are professing themselves to be democrats, and asserting that their Islamic values are consistent with constitutional democracy that ensures fundamental rights for all citizens. Far from calling for government by mullahs on the failed Iranian model, these Iraqi Islamic democrats say they want a truly democratic government in which the people can decide for themselves how their religious values will be expressed in their political choices. By including them in government, the coalition is signaling that it is prepared, for the moment, to take them at their word.

The coalition is also moving to draw these Islamic democrats irreversibly into the rhythms and practices of democracy. Their participation should give them a tactical advantage over other Islamists who have opted out of participation in the Governing Council, and whose views about democracy are unclear, unpromising or downright hostile.

Theory and practice obviously differ. It remains to be seen how the Islamic parties in majority-Shiite Iraq will comport themselves in constitutional negotiations and government. Free, democratic politics is still brand new in Iraq, and a political culture is only now in the process of being born. The Islamic democrats themselves will now have to prove to other Iraqis and to the coalition that their faith is compatible with equal treatment for all Iraqis, regardless of sex or religious denomination. But thus far, the Islamic democrats who are participating in the council are demonstrating that there are serious, committed Muslims who think democracy is the right future for the Muslim world, and that they are prepared to throw in their lot with the coalition to help bring it about.

The significant presence of Islamic democrats on the Governing Council does not mean that Iraq is on its way to becoming an Islamic state. To the contrary, what we are seeing in Iraq is the possibility of a state in which religious figures speak the language of democracy, and in which secularists show respect for religion in return. The council includes committed secularists like the Iraqi National Congress's Ahmed Chalabi and the Iraqi National Accord's Iyad Allawi. The Kurdish leaders Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani have a long record of secular orientation, and they have governed the Kurdish areas in which they hold sway accordingly. These leaders have worked closely alongside the religious leadership in recent months. The Iraqi political leadership returning from exile has done a remarkable job of subordinating particularistic interests to united action, and there is reason to hope that this political maturity will continue.

The challenge now is for the Governing Council to achieve legitimacy in the eyes of ordinary Iraqis of all backgrounds. The first requirement of credibility is for the coalition to ensure law and order and deliver basic services, such as water and electricity, still incompletely restored after several months of coalition presence. Unless Iraqis experience a measurable improvement in their sense of security, the Governing Council will be tainted by association with coalition incompetence.

Beyond these minimum requirements of ordinary government, however, Iraqis also need to feel that the council represents their interests and values. Islam, the religion of some 95% of Iraqis, is part of this constellation. That is why the coalition has been working from the beginning with the Islamic democrats who are now part of the Governing Council -- because they would appear to speak for at least some of the Iraqi people, and to enjoy the respect of still others.

The coalition needs to remain vigilant in engaging its Islamically-oriented partners. It is one thing for Islamic parties to boycott liquor dealers, and quite another for unauthorized clerics to act outside the law and coerce women to veil themselves or theaters to shut down. The coalition needs to work with Islamic democrats to marginalize those Islamists who are hostile to democratic values and ideals. The struggle to define the meaning of Islam must be fought by Muslims themselves, but as a result of its position in Iraq, the coalition is under an obligation to protect the rights of all Iraqi citizens. The coalition therefore must ensure that the Islam practiced and preached by its partners is consistent with real, rights-protecting democracy.

Working with Islamic parties who profess the compatibility of democracy and Islam is good common sense. It is also unavoidable. A principled commitment to creating constitutional democracy in Iraq must be accompanied by the pragmatic willingness to let Iraqis follow the political directions they choose for themselves. It is, in the end, logically impossible to impose self-government from outside. Iraqis can and must design democratic institutions for themselves -- and when they do, those institutions must reflect Iraqi values and beliefs alongside the universal commitments to liberty and equality without which democracy is not worthy of the name.