It was not hard to detect some gloating in the coverage of a
recent study showing that older fathers are more likely to have
children with schizophrenia. Though it was just one study, in
a field -- schizophrenia research -- that is constantly producing
new theories, for some people it was delicious proof that "men
have biological clocks, too." Maybe the news would finally puncture
what one female reporter termed the "brazen hubris" of older dads,
who were assumed to be having children mainly to prove to the
world that they weren't shooting blanks. Bear in mind that "older"
in this study meant not just Strom Thurmond or Rupert Murdoch
old but also men in their late 40's -- a group we are pretty well
accustomed to seeing as first-time fathers, especially given that
many of us first-time mothers are kind of long in the tooth ourselves.
Still, feminist commentators like Katha Pollitt and Gloria Steinem
seemed to see the study as good news in a way, even if it did
mean that more children might be at risk for a devastating disease.
At the least, it was payback for the fact that "the woman," as
Pollitt said, "is always blamed for everything." To Steinem, it
was vindication: she had been trying for years, she said, to call
attention to the health menace posed by swaggering dads pushing
the frontiers of fertility. And even an author of the study couldn't
resist an account of its implications that focused more on male
egos than on schizophrenia. "While scientists have known for years
that older fathers are a major source of gene mutations," Dr.
Dolores Malaspina, a Columbia University researcher, said, "the
public doesn't seem to have absorbed it, which may have something
to do with a culture that sees older fathers as triumphantly virile."
It's strange how socially acceptable daddy-dissing can be, in
some of the same contexts in which a teasing disrespect for, say,
40-something aspiring mothers would never be tolerated. But at
least the crowing about male biological clocks recognizes a father's
contribution. Most daddy-dissing -- which exists, it's true, alongside
a veritable new industry of fathers' groups and daddying manuals
-- is about the ineffectuality or irrelevance of dads. Consider
the by now notorious recent study that put fathers who take care
of their children in the same category as day-care centers and
baby sitters -- as if fathers were interchangeable with paid professionals
in a way mothers never could be. Similarly, a survey showing that
in 1997 both fathers and mothers spent significantly more time
with their children than they did in 1981 made front-page news
a couple of weeks ago, presumably because it seemed to counter
common assumptions.
Sometimes I guess we resort to daddy-dissing because life in
two-earner households with children can be a strain, and it's
good to let off steam. It's a conversational default setting,
a kind of social glue, a way to feel friendly with women you may
not know very well. Then there's the bigger picture: the late-70's
vision in which large numbers of fathers and mothers really would
trade sex roles certainly hasn't materialized, and for some people,
any falling short of that makes it easy to ignore what so many
fathers do contribute these days.
Women still do more child care, out of choice, necessity, the
conviction that they do it better -- or some complicated blend
of the three. Many fathers are absent altogether. And yet, as
William Doherty, a family therapist, has said, "If you are a child,
and your parents are together, married and reasonably happy, you
have the best shot probably in human history to have an active,
involved, loving father." Unfortunately, the people who write
the most about the politics of family life often have ideological
investments in either denying or bemoaning this fact. On the feminist
left, the aim is to keep alive a certain bristling indignation
about the battles yet to be won, the long, long distance men still
have to go. As Cathy Young points out in her 1999 book, "Ceasefire!"
there are feminists who argue, for instance, that divorced men
who want custody of their children operate only out of selfishness
and one-upmanship, whereas divorced women seeking custody operate
only out of love. On the right, the ambition is to knock nurturing
new-style dads. Hence the 1999 column by the conservative writer
Danielle Crittenden in which she recorded her dismay not at fathers
who have, say, ditched their kids but at those she sees dandling
their babies at birthday parties. "I found myself trying to imagine
these same men wearing green metal combat helmets, their faces
streaked with mud, marching under the weight of guns and ammo
packs, instead of diaper bags and baby carriers," she fretted.
It's a variation on the old Madonna-whore syndrome: the new dad
who can change a diaper and give a child a bath cannot, by definition,
be masculine.
Sometimes I think my own father -- who was, I'll admit it, 60
when I was born -- was lucky to have lived at a time when his
daily ministrations to his children didn't make a sociological
type or a political straw man out of him. He was an actor, and
at home a lot during the day. So while in public he resembled
the 50's patriarch of right-wing nostalgia -- a cigar-smoking
Republican Midwesterner and even a regular on "Ozzie and Harriet,"
as a matter of fact -- at home he was different, in some ways
true to the stereotype and in other ways not. He made my breakfast
and lunch every day and dropped me off and picked me up at school
while my mother was at work. He was the more fastidious parent,
finicky about clothes, preoccupied with the niceties and rituals
of everyday life. He cut the crusts off my sandwiches, picked
out sugar cookies in my favorite colors and froze little cans
of juice so that when I opened them at recess they'd be cold with
just a crunch of ice. He enjoyed it all, I'm pretty sure, and
in the absence of daddy-dissing, there was really nothing to spoil
it for him.
Copyright 2001, The New York Times Magazine
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