Taiwan holds its national election for president Saturday. Although this should be heralded as one of the greatest U.S. foreign-policy victories in the post-Cold War world, it has as yet attracted relatively little attention in the United States.

Far more attention has focused on China's provocative threats to use its military force against Taiwan unless the fledgling democracy begins negotiating seriously to "reunify" with the totalitarian power

The combination of the increasing military threat and the success of Taiwanese democracy make this the ideal time for the United States to consider what it can do to best nurture democracy in Taipei. Steps can and should be taken on three fronts.

Security. Almost since its inception, Taiwan's security has been guaranteed by the United States. Were it not for the U.S. security commitment to the island of 22 million, the neighboring mainland giant would likely have absorbed it through force or intimidation at some point in the last half century.

China's deployment of new ships and missiles, which seem aimed at threatening Taipei, coupled with recent statements regarding forceful reunification, demonstrate that the security threat continues.

The United States has supplied Taiwan with most of its weaponry, but it has committed to reducing these sales. U.S. presidents have also taken an increasingly ambiguous posture on the U.S. security commitment.

Even though clear commitments have helped guarantee peace in Europe and elsewhere in Asia, a tortured reasoning is frequently advanced that this ambiguity is somehow uniquely appropriate with regard to Taiwan.

In fact, this is simply double talk. In the South China Sea as in the rest of the world, the risk of miscalculation -- which could easily lead to war -- rises with ambiguity, not clarity. Especially in light of China's recent weapons acquisitions, the United States should sell critical naval, early warning and anti-missile systems to Taiwan.

It should also clearly state its commitment to preventing the use of force by Beijing against Taiwan. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, which is pending in Congress, would accomplish these objectives. And, despite the administration's veto threats, it should be a priority for this congressional session.

Democracy. Because official exchanges between Taiwan and the United States offend Beijing, the U.S. government has limited contact with Taipei. The United States is, however, the world's best teacher on how to build a functioning democracy.

The U.S. Congress, courts, executive branch and both political parties should undertake to expand official contacts with their counterparts in Taiwan in an effort to further democracy there. U.S. non-profit groups could also play a useful role by fostering similar though unofficial exchanges.

Economics. In Taiwan and elsewhere, a strong economy has been an important precondition to the success of liberal reforms. Without question, Taiwan's economic success has paved the way for much of its current democratic reform.

The United States now has an opportunity to foster this economic success in a way that directly benefits the United States.

Much discussion is devoted to China's effort to gain membership in the World Trade Organization, but many may be unaware that Taiwan is also seeking WTO membership. Taiwan's application is, however, more advanced than China's.

Taiwan has agreed to accept all WTO disciplines and has completed bilateral negotiations with its important trading partners. In fact, Taiwan would long ago have been granted WTO membership were it not for objections made by China through surrogates.

WTO membership not only would help Taiwan secure trade opportunities and investment, but it also would be a major boon to the United States. Taiwan already imports more from the United States than China. The tariff and trade concessions that Taiwan has agreed to in return for WTO membership would likely expand U.S. exports to the island by several billion dollars annually.

If an enforcement regime can be put in place, China should be allowed to enter the WTO. But the case for Taiwan's' membership -- both from the perspective of the WTO and from that of the U.S. economy -- is much stronger. The United States should use its considerable influence in the WTO to override objections from China or any other country and ensure that Taiwan is allowed to take its place in the WTO.

It is time to stop worrying about offending Beijing and truly celebrate the victory of democracy in Taiwan. Taiwan's transition demonstrates that U.S. foreign policy can succeed.

Rather than watching quietly, it is time for the United States to publicly embrace the success of democracy in Taiwan and take the military, diplomatic and economic steps necessary to ensure that the progress is made permanent.