The Ashcroft nomination flap ushered in a new religious correctness.
Often and vehemently, Christians in public life bemoan the lack
of respect--if not the outright scorn and persecution--they endure.
The recent backlash against John Ashcroft, confirmed Thursday
as President Bush's attorney general, is the latest embodiment
of this phenomenon. We've heard the lamentation from the faithful,
who seem convinced that they and their religion are being oppressed.
The Wall Street Journal's William McGurn, writes, sarcastically,
"Any government effort that does not view organized religion,
especially Christianity, as a Threat to Our American Way of Life
risks breaching the hallowed Wall Of Separation that puts us,
of course, on the verge of becoming Another Iran." Says Sen. James
Inhofe, a Republican from Oklahoma, "John Ashcroft is guilty of
one thing. He is guilty of having an inseparable love of the Lord."
One would think crosses and thorn crowns were being stockpiled
on the Mall.
Let's put aside for a moment the utter disrespect McGurn and
Inhofe show for those who disagree with them and address the real
issue: How does one respect a religion one doesn't accept? How
would a well-intentioned secular humanist or Wiccan respectfully
respond to a Bible-based argument against abortion or no-fault
divorce laws?
On the one hand, dismissing Christian views is considered disrespectful,
but the opposite--engagement and critique--are considered equally
oppressive. The Washington Times editorialized: "[Ashcroft] has
been caricatured by Senate Democrats, special interest groups
and the media elite as one blinded by his faith to law and reason."
McGurn agrees, "Reminds me...of all the people who find Ashcroft
unbalanced because he believes in Revelation but subscribe to
the [New York] Times because it is Authoritative."
McGurn may have been speaking facetiously, but the point lies
between "believe" and "subscribe." I subscribe to the Wall Street
Journal and The Washington Times, but I don't live by them, or
proselytize others to do the same.
When, in a 1995 book, Christopher Hitchens alleged that Mother
Teresa was hypocritical and misused power and money, it endeared
him to few of the faithful. But consider: He took her stated beliefs
seriously enough to write about her translation of them into activism.
To this day, Hitchens is roundly condemned--indeed, assumed to
be getting W-2s from Beelzebub--but debated? Proved wrong?
Surely, Americans must be allowed, as rational human beings,
to point out inconsistencies in the beliefs for which Christians
demand respect. Otherwise, "respect" really means "sacrosanct,"
"unquestionable."
Hence, the emergence of "religious correctness": The implicit
assumption, first, that religious dogma outranks the preferences
of nonbelievers. Respect Revelation; sneer at The New York Times
and the secularity it represents. Second, that religious beliefs,
however directly inserted into public policy, are undebatable.
"Gospel," so to speak. But no one is accorded this level of certainty
in our system. Ashcroft must be equally ready to persuade as the
rest of us.
Nonetheless, Senator Robert C. Smith (R-NH) deems Ashcroft a
victim of "religious profiling." "There's a long line of people
who on the basis of their position on life couldn't be attorney
general," he notes. "We could start with Jesus Christ himself."
Janet Parshall, of the Family Research Council, argues that, "To
suggest that strong personal faith disqualifies someone from public
office...represents a type of genteel bigotry."
Leave aside the notion that bigotry is ever genteel: Why is opposing
a conservative evangelical seeking public office opposing his
religion? Evangelicals are turning public scrutiny of beliefs--politicized
by no one but themselves--into persecution. Rejecting Jesus Christ
as our personal Attorney General makes Grand Inquisitors of us
all.
It's often said that the nonreligious and liberals "can't understand"
evangelicals. Odd, this argument, coming from a group that so
often trivializes its own beliefs. So much energy is expended
on ostentatious prayer at high school events, or in splashing
the Ten Commandments across public spaces. One need only linger
near the office fridge to be regaled with pious stories of how
Jesus helped a co-worker get a good deal on a used car, or concerned
Himself with the outcomes of sporting events. It is difficult
not to hold such silliness against mature believers.
Ashcroft, meanwhile, trivializes his attachment to his beliefs
by promising to countenance laws that directly contravene them.
We often hear arguments about personal responsibility and deferred
gratification from the Christian right. Must Ashcroft not accept
that one must sometimes sacrifice for one's beliefs, including
high public office, if that office would put one in mortal peril
(never mind go against established policy)? Neither the Mahatma
nor Martin Luther King had a government job, perhaps because each
knew it would be impossible to serve both their religion and their
worldly ambition.
American history is replete with examples of religion successfully
injected into the public realm--abolitionism, the civil rights
movement. Whatever the springboard of one's beliefs, by all means,
let's hear them. But don't expect reverence, because, as we used
to say when I was growing up a Southern Baptist fundamentalist
expected to accept an assertion at face value, "Your lips don't
flap like Bible leaves."
Copyright 2001, Beliefnet
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