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Student Loan Market Costs: An Inconvenient Truth for Loan Industry

June 9, 2009 - 7:00am

With the future of the Federal Family Education Loan (FFEL) program on the line, student loan industry officials are trying to raise doubts about federal budget estimates that show the government would save tens of billions of dollars by providing loans exclusively through the Direct Lending program. As part of this effort, industry officials are starting once again to perpetuate one of the more misleading arguments in this debate: that official cost estimates for the Direct Loan and FFEL programs do not account for "economic costs," or "market risk." While the argument is partially correct, industry officials and their supporters have abused and twisted the concept to confuse policymakers and the public.

Their most recent victim appears to be Andrew Gillen of the Center for College Affordability and Productivity. In a June 4 Inside Higher Ed article (Apples and Oranges on Student Loans) he resurrects a 2006 paper written by former Congressional Budget Office (CBO) director  Douglas Holtz-Eakin as evidence beyond a reasonable doubt that something must be amiss with official costs estimates. And he takes the "market risk" bait, hook, line, and sinker.

Just to back up a bit, the market cost (sometimes termed "market risk" or "eco­nomic cost") of a government program refers to the price private entities would charge taxpayers to offer the same benefits and services currently funded by the government. In the case of government-subsidized student loans, the market cost reflects the price private entities would charge taxpayers to fund low interest rates for borrowers, the gov­ernment's administrative costs, and the subsidies it pays to private lenders, among other things. Loan industry officials argue that by failing to take into account the market cost of Direct Loans, federal budget officials have made the program appear to be much less expensive for the government to run than it really is.

Readers should bear in mind a few key points when confronted with the market risks and costs argument over federal student loan costs estimates. Although there is no mention of it in Gillen's article, the National Bureau of Economic Research (an organization with at least as good of a reputation for academic rigor and impartiality as Holtz-Eakin) published a 2007 paper estimating the costs of the two federal loan programs taking market risk into account. What did the authors find? They found that both loan programs cost quite a bit more than official estimates suggest, but... a loan made through the FFEL program still costs a lot more than one made under the Direct Loan program. "Even after adjusting for the market cost of capital, asymmetric treatment of administrative costs, and other inconsistencies in how the programs are budgeted for, the guaranteed [FFEL] program appears to be fundamentally more expensive than the direct program," state the authors. Unlike Holtz-Eakin's paper (which was prepared for the Consumer Bankers Association and Sallie Mae, among others), the NBER report was not funded by the student loan industry and as far as we know, it is the only serious academic paper to actually model both program costs using the theoretical arguments the former CBO director makes.

Regardless of the actual work that has been done on the topic, simple logic should lead one to the same conclusions as those in the paper. The risks and obligations borne by taxpayers under the Direct Loan program and the FFEL program are very similar. So any adjustment for market risk must have symmetrical effects on the costs of both programs. Taxpayers are subject to both interest rate risk and default risk on loans in both programs. This is because the FFEL loans provide lenders a 97 percent guaranteed against default losses, and direct loans effectively carry a 100 percent guarantee. Taxpayers are also on the hook for interest rate risk on the FFEL loans, just like Direct Loans, because lenders are guaranteed a quarterly interest rate that is backed by taxpayer dollars. If the market demands greater compensation for taking on risk, then that should apply to both programs in similar ways, as the risks are nearly identical.

Other misleading arguments about market risks and student loan costs are discussed in a 2008 New America Foundation report, Cost Estimates for Federal Student Loans: The Market Cost Debate.

To be sure, the market risks concept has merit, and a growing body of policy research is helping to bring it into actual use (such as official cost estimates for the Troubled Asset Relief Program, TARP). Policymakers and the public should, however, be wary of the confusion and half-truths the student loan industry has spread about this legitimate and important budget concept.

Loan industry officials

Loan industry officials aren't the only ones who believe that the federal budget has made the direct loan program appear to be much less expensive than it really is.

Annual reestimates by the Office of Management and Budget every year have increased the cost of direct loans.

We need no better evidence than that that federal budget scorekeeping under the Credit Reform Act -- the Holy Grail for direct lending advocates -- is flawed and unreliable.

More apples and oranges

It seems we're still not talking about the same thing. There's a distinction made by NBER, Holtz-Eakin and Gillen regarding market risk, economic cost, and arbitrage rates. Switching terms as if they were interchangeable, as you have done here, does not clarify the debate at all.

The NBER paper is a convenient side bar, but an updated analysis of their conclusions would yield dramatically different results now that new FFELP loans don't qualify for SAP allowances. The artificially suppressed 3-month CP rate ensures that FFELP lenders receive no SAP on loans made after January 1, 2000. Eliminating that one factor from the cost analysis done in the NBER paper would show FFELP to be cheaper than direct lending by about 200 bps (18.1 for FFELP v. 20.1 for direct lending). Accordingly, a student lending model that does away with SAP but continues to originate loans through the private sector would be more cost effective for the government than a switch to 100% direct lending.

That's still a distraction however, since the real issue, and where NBER, Holtz-Eakin and Gillen all appear to agree, is whether direct lending can actually achieve the arbitrage spread necessary to generate the savings CBO projects. The fact that 10-year Treasury notes are already higher than CBO estimates for 2010 and are closing in on the rate assumed for 2011 suggests that "savings" from direct lending for FY10 and FY11 will be substantially overstated. In fact, inflationary pressure may erase most of the arbitrage earnings assumed by CBO before the bill even becomes law, and that's assuming a one-day shift, rather than a phased in approach as has been described by some policymakers recently.

Coincidentally, CBO also assumes only 8.8 percent unemployment for 2009, a figure that would sound like good news if it ever came back to visit.

A quick look back over the past 8 fiscal years shows a $31 billion cash flow shortfall in the direct loan program account - something not taken into account at all in the NBER paper. Even the most ardent supporters of direct lending would be compelled to admit that the program has never lived up to its budget expectations.

All excuses aside, is the government really going to erase an entire industry over savings that everyone knows will never materialize? Policymakers deciding that real people should lose real jobs to capture make believe savings seems like a bad policy choice to me.

Not Quite Right, Scott

  An updated analysis of the NBER paper would likely produce similar costs differences because changes in interest rates have symmetrical effects on both loan program costs. Your assessment that "FFELP loans don't qualify for SAP allowances [interest rate insurance]," is incorrect. The cost estimates in the NBER paper were done under the same SAP rules (i.e. floor income rebated to Dept. of Ed) in effect today. And FFEL loans do qualify for a SAP under those rules. Yes, under today's interest rates, the SAP is negative, but the central point is about the RISK of FUTURE costs, not what is happening today. Taxpayers face risk in guaranteeing the SAP payments into the future, and the cost of bearing that risk has a value assigned by the private market, even if in this financial quarter, the SAP has no cost.

Re:

First of all, an updated analysis would not yield similar results. This is because the NBER authors assume pre CCRAA yield rates on Stafford loans, and while they may have included floor income provisions in their analysis, a more current analysis would have to adjust SAP rates downward. As the authors note, their analysis is based on constraints in place from August 2006 to July 2007.

Second, I believe you and I are more or less saying the same thing: a student loan program absent SAP outflows would be more cost effective than either FFELP or Direct Lending as they presently are constituted. Your response to Kevin assures me that you don't place undue credence in the reliability of FCRA scoring any more than I do, and since NBER asserts SAP to be the sole reason FFELP loans are more expensive than direct lending on a market cost basis, eliminating that one factor would produce greater real savings for the government than a switch direct lending.

Rather than propose a complete switch between programs that eliminates consumer choice, wouldn't you agree that a better option would be to preserve private capital participation while excluding subsidy payments to providers?

Explain volatility

Jason, can you explain the extraordinary volatility in student loan program estimates under the Credit Reform Act? For example, why do the two official budget scorekeepers (OMB and CBO) arrive at such different cost estimates for the same loan programs over the same time period? What's the explanation for the sharp decline in OMB's projected cost savings from $46 billion over ten years to, just a few months later, $41 billion? If Credit Reform budget scorekeeping has, as you say, "symmetrical" effects on both direct and guaranteed loans, then why are OMB reestimates so asymmetrical--increasing over the years Direct Loans' costs by $12 billion and reducing FFELP's costs by $12 billion? Sounds like an inherent asymmetrical advantage for direct loans to me.

Not Credit Reform, Market Costs

I argued just the opposite, actually. Please note that I referenced the NBER paper, and that interest rate changes under Credit Reform rules do NOT have symmetrical effects on DL/FFEL cost estimates. Market cost estimates, such as the one done in the NBER paper, DO HAVE symmetrical effects, however, because they correctly model loan program cash flows and risk. The risks to the taxpayer are nearly identical under both programs, so interest rate changes and default estimates changes will have similar effects on both programs. Remember, the issue here is market costs. Under Credit Reform rules, which I criticize in the paper featured here, interest rate changes have asymmetrical effects on cost estimates, as you correctly point out, but this outcome is wrong due to the incorrect treatment of FFEL cash flows. Thus, the asymmetric effects are incorrect. Again, this is discussed in the NBER paper and the New America Foundation paper. I agree that credit reform is wrong. And I believe the NBER paper is a better approach to the cost estimates.

Volatility was created by the lenders' legislative agenda

Lenders cannot make arguments about "volatility" of direct loan program estimates when they (along with guarantors, secondary markets, and the many schools they induced to go along with them) lobbied quite vocally against the very interest rate structure which would have minimized or eliminated that volatility. That would seem to be the very definition of chutzpah!

Interest rate risk, market risk and hedging costs have provided a scoring advantage to FFEL since 1999 and, yes, have been explicitly ignored by CBO as beyond the scope of its mission of estimating tangible costs. A provision tucked into a 1999 social security reform bill quietly shifted the index for providing lender subsidies from short-term Treasuries to short-term commercial paper. While the tangible cost did not change significantly, as argued by CBO, this lifted a huge weight from loan holders -- hedging the risk that the two rate indices would diverge. Hedging, interest rate risk and market risk were quietly shifted from the lender to the taxpayer!

In addition, the last major student loan reform 16 years ago had scheduled a transition to unified rate structure where borrower interest rate, lender interest rate and discount rate would all be long-term Treasury bond. The lending community lobbied against this scheduled change and prevented it from occurring, arguing that, although, yes, student loans are long-term financial instruments, that loan providers raise their capital on short-term overseas markets.

In particular, if the borrower index and the index used when the Educ. Dept. borrows capital from the U.S. Treasury would have removed most of the market risks and interest rate risks from the direct lending program and greatly improved the accuracy of cost estimates because everything (borrower rate, discount rate and Educ. Dept. rate) would have been on a longer-term Treasury bond index. Apparently Washington believed it was more important to respond to lenders' needs. After preventing the implementation of something that would greatly ease direct loan cost estimation lenders cannot at the same time argue that it imposes risks of re-estimation.

In addition, under the OMB method, but not the CBO method, guarantors and lenders can "re-score" the direct loan program by consolidating defaulted and delinquent loans into direct loan and at the same time inducing direct loan's stafford/plus borrowers (who are "higher quality" than ffel's) to consolidate into ffel.

Lender groups deftly shifts from CBO to OMB, a totally different methodology. One reason that Congressional Budget Office tends to find more savings from shifting to direct lending than Office of Management & Budget is that CBO does not consider consolidation loans to be new loan capital but rather a repayment plan option. For many years consolidation lenders would market consolidation loans to the direct loan Stafford and Plus borrowers, who have a better track record than the FFEL Stafford and Plus borrowers. The "crossover" consolidations which occurred for many years involved low risk borrowers being moved from DL to FFEL and high risk borrowers being moved from FFEL to DL (through both pre-default and post-default consolidations). These efforts resulted in the OMB re-estimations cited by Mr. Bruns and others. However, they would have no impact on the CBO estimations, because CBO counts a DL consolidation default against FFEL if the borrower started out with a FFEL Stafford or Plus loan. In addition, CBO would count a FFEL consolidation loan in good standing as a successful DL repayment in progress if the borrower started out with a DL Stafford or Plus loan. Regardless of how prophetic you believe OMB could or should be, it is difficult to imagine that they could have predicted in the mid-1990s the level of consolidation gamesmanship which would occur in the 2000s.

The cost issue is not really all that complex. In FFEL, borrower repayment goes to the loan holder; in DL, it goes to the Treasury. It is impossible to see how how FFEL could be cheaper. In addition, the temporary liquidity programs are apparently the opposite of the "market-based" approach advocated by conservatives for many years. According to market experts, whether you agree or not, the US government is better at funding loans (has the lowest cost of funds anywhere in the world) and the lenders are better at service. In fact, in the temporary liquidity programs we have lenders providing the funding (with large subsidy from the taxpayers) and then potentially selling the FFEL loans to the government to servicing for the next 20 or 30 years. Yet there are now proposals out there to make this temporary program the long term approach to student lending (private funding plus government service!). Isn't this what they used to say about combining the empathy of the IRS with the efficiency of the post office?